By Kaushal Ghimire
“A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism.”
This sentence from the Communist Manifesto is perhaps the most haunting, chilling, and iconic opening line of any political literature written to date. In this sentence, Karl Marx prophetically expresses the inevitability of a political revolution in the mid-19th century industrialised Europe. He argues that though the revolutions would have different manifestations, the latent battle would be fought between two warring groups, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The history did not quite unfold as Marx had predicted and we know what happened a century later on the east side of the Berlin Wall.
Nevertheless, this opening line has left a deep impact on the public consciousness of many and has been invoked numerous times under different contexts and with different variables. One such invocation which would be aptly suited to Nepal’s present situation is the spectre of Hindu nationalism (Hindutva).
With the so-called torchbearer of Nepal’s alternative politics Rabindra Mishra proposing a referendum on secularism and federalism and another youth leader of a supposedly “Marxist” party (CPN-UML) Mahesh Basnet proposing the referendum on the agenda during the party’s central committee meeting, it is safe to say that the saffron colour of Hindutva politics has evolved from the margins and has made it to the mainstream of Nepali politics bringing with it the threat of reversing all the progressive political achievements of republic Nepal.
Hindutva politics, with its blood brothers in anti-federalism and anti-republicanism, had been lurking in the margins of Nepali politics for the last decade and a half. With Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s victory in India in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and a self-declared Hindu nationalist Narendra Modi becoming the prime minister, Hindu nationalists in Nepal got a much-needed upliftment of morale. Due to the 2015 Indian blockade and Modi’s degraded image in Nepal, the Hindutva politics was pushed to the sidelines again and those calling for the scrapping of secularism amongst other progressive agendas fared poorly in the 2017 parliamentary elections.
With the unified Nepal Communist Party (NCP) coming into power, the common sentiment was Hindu nationalism was gone for good from Nepali politics. However, as the conservative and Hindu nationalist forces within the communist party started accumulating power and as India started gaining the lost grounds, the Hindu nationalist politics has come back with an even greater force.
The 44-page document forwarded by Rabindra Mishara calling the scrapping of federalism and a referendum on secularism showcases this resurgence of Hindu nationalist politics. In the document, he makes poor attempts at painting a lighter saffron colour to his Hindutva ideology by arguing that he is not a Hindu nationalist, but that he believes Nepal was fine and harmonious as a Hindu nation. He also goes on to say that secularism was never an agenda of any political movement.
Despite his best attempts to hide his Hindutva, the fact that he is a closeted Hindu nationalist is evident in his glossing over the fact that secularism has always been a major demand of all political movements, including the decade-long Maoist civil war. His polemic attack towards federalism is in line with his hill-centric Brahaminic ideology that puts all the blame for the failure of a unitary state on the fledgling federalism.
The tip of the iceberg
Mishra’s attack on secularism and federalism is just the tip of the iceberg. It echoes the larger dissatisfaction of the ruling bourgeois class towards the issues of inclusion and representation and the sharing of their long-held privileges. Their so-called alternative politics is nothing but Team B of the decedent conservative parties like Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). The rebranding is only but a façade to attract the younger generations. The old elite vanguard of “alternative parties” was disgruntled with the issues of representation and inclusion. But, since they could not criticise it outrightly, they used corruption and governance to attract young people and build their politics around them. But with Rabindra Mishra’s document, the ulterior motive is becoming more evident.
It is also being helped by the general failure of the mainstream leaders, which is all but fuelling the disenchantment of the system among the general masses.
One can easily speculate that India is the main player behind this. India always aims at creating instability in the country and nothing would serve BJP’s Hindu politics in India more than a puppet Hindu state on its northern borders. It has found a great new ally in Rabindra Mishra.
However, Mishra is not alone in this. Except for the traditional right, even some communists of CPN-UML are joining the bandwagon of a referendum on secularism and federalism. This unison between an expansionist neighbour and the old elite would most certainly be catastrophic to the marginalised population of the country. Hence it should be the Dalits, the indigenous nationalities, the Madhesis, the Tharus, the Muslims, among other oppressed communities of the country who should be more vigilant of this saffron tide that is slowly but certainly making its way in Nepali politics.
Secularism and federalism, along with inclusion and representation, were achieved by the Nepali masses through years of relentless struggles and sacrifices. They were enshrined in the constitution at the cost of the martyrdom of an uncountable number of martyrs. To question them is to question the constitution’s legitimacy and belittle the pain and turmoil that the Nepali people had to go through to institutionalise them. Therefore it is time for the oppressed people of the country and the progressive thinkers to once again unite to save the hard-earned progressive achievements. We should show the reactionaries that the same wrath of the masses that ousted the monarchy will be waiting for them if they question our progressive achievements.
