(Photo: The Quint)
By N SUKUMAR / The Quint
The Bard of Avon famously posed the question, “What is in a name?”
Plenty if one were to read the current violence in Konaseema, Andhra Pradesh. In April 2022, the YS Jagan Mohan Reddy government embarked on changing the names of various districts or creating new districts in the state. This was part of the electoral promises he had made before forming the government, ostensibly to woo certain communities who form the majority in various regions.
However, his plan ran into stormy weather when Konaseema, a newly created district in the East Godavari region, was named after BR Ambedkar. Other newly formed districts were named after prominent personalities like NT Rama Rao, Satya Sai and Annamayya, which did not lead to any controversy. The government maintained that the decision to rename Konaseema after Ambedkar was taken after requests from the large Scheduled Caste (SC) population in the district, whose headquarters, Amalapuram, is an SC-reserved constituency.
The decision led to violence, police vehicles were damaged and the houses of the ruling party MLA and MP (Dalit) were burnt. This reflects the planning behind the arson and the sheer disregard for state functionaries.
Snapshot
The Andhra Pradesh government’s decision to rename Konaseema, a newly created district, after BR Ambedkar, has sparked violence. Police vehicles were damaged and the houses of the ruling party MLA and MP (Dalit) were burnt.
Ironically, the Kapus, who constitute nearly 26% population in the state and are the majority community in Konaseema along with Dalits, have demanded that they be given a ‘backward caste’ designation as they were falling behind in jobs and education.
It’s worth asking, why did the state apparatus fail in securing the house of a Dalit MP? In such a scenario, who will speak for ordinary Dalits?
Dalit leaders of the ruling party remained mere bystanders to the violence. Such ornamental positions that are devoid of real ‘power’ will create stooges rather than conscious warriors.
Interestingly, it was only on 19 May 2022 that the government decided to announce that Konaseema will be renamed BR Ambedkar Konaseema district, unlike the other newly carved districts. Even prior to the notification, Dalit groups had been demanding that the district be named after Ambedkar. What explains the sudden acceptance of this proposal by the ruling party? The attempt is to reflect a more inclusive and sympathetic approach towards marginalised groups.
The Social Landscape of Konaseema
The majority population of the district comprises both Kapus (the socially dominant group) and Dalits. Over time, the Dalits took advantage of the changing political economy of the region, migrated to various lands, and got educated and settled in well-paying jobs. Needless to say, Dalit consciousness was also very prevalent from the 19th century onwards, nurtured by leaders like Golla Chandraiah, Bojja Appalaswamy, Eeli Vadapalli, Kandikatla Nagabhushanam, Bhupathi Narayanamurti, Nandanar Harichandra and others.
Ironically, the Kapus, who constitute nearly 26% population in the state, have demanded that they be given a ‘backward caste’ designation as they were falling behind in jobs and education. The initial demand was made in 1993 and the then-state government issued a notification to include Kapus among the backward caste category. In 1994, the TDP came to power and reneged on this promise. The community has also looked for political support from other political parties. Off and on, the BJP has promised support to their reservation demands. In the last assembly election in Andhra Pradesh, the Kapus voted for the ruling party, the YSRCP, which won 27 out of the 34 seats in the East and West Godavari districts.
Pawan Kalyan’s Appeal
Andhra Pradesh, particularly its coastal regions, has a long tradition of film actors testing their political fortunes. The latest star to enter the electoral fray is Pawan Kalyan, who floated the Jana Sena. His brother-superstar, Chiranjeevi, started the Praja Rajyam, which folded up, unable to transform the star’s charisma into votes. Now, the BJP is piggy riding on Pawan Kalyan, hoping that his star power will fetch them votes. It also matters that he belongs to the Kapu community.
This meddling has also given a boost to the violence. In 2020, a chariot was burnt at a temple in East Godavari, which witnessed a flurry of high-profile visits from the TDP, the VHP, the BJP and the Jana Sena. Gradually, the saffron agenda is being implemented to influence Andhra politics.
Who Is Afraid of Ambedkar?
In a region boasting of a robust Dalit, radical Left, and strong trade union and anti-arrack movements, why is there resistance towards naming a district after Ambedkar? Caste is a brutal reality of our lives; Dalit assertion is still seen as ‘indecorous’ and it’s largely believed that they need to be ‘shown their place’.
The incidents at Karamchedu, Tsundur and Vempenta are still fresh in public memory. If the mob has the courage to burn the house of a ruling MP, it’s worth asking, what powers helped them? Why did the state apparatus fail in securing the house of a Dalit MP? In such a scenario, who will speak for ordinary Dalits? When streets, cities and even religious places are named after ‘heroes’ of dominant communities, why cannot Ambedkar be given a similar status?
In 1931, Ambedkar rightly said to Gandhi, “I have no homeland.” If Ambedkar’s name cannot be freely invoked or statues erected in his own country, then he was prescient in saying that his people will continue to struggle against Brahmanical forces. All dominant political parties will unite against Dalits to secure their vote banks. The ruling party has one Dalit Deputy Chief Minister, and other cabinet ministers, including the Home Minister, were mere spectators when the clashes broke out.
Such ornamental positions that are devoid of real ‘power’ will create stooges rather than conscious warriors. As Ambedkar said, “Goats are used for sacrifices; not lions.”
Unless Dalit-Bahujans consolidate to emerge as a viable option in politics and challenge the dominant political discourse, they will continue to be in political exile.
This article first appeared on thequint.com